Before we get to your questions—my favorite part of the blogs—I want to give you a brief report of the Historical Novel Society convention. There was an unexpected eleventh-hour development. I’d signed up so late that I wasn’t on any panels and so I was looking forward to being a social butterfly, flitting about visiting old friends and meeting new ones. But then I had a call from Jane Kessler at HNS. Edward Rutherfurd was to have been one of the two keynote speakers, but a sudden family illness caused him to bow out at the last minute, and they asked me to step in. So I ended up giving a speech Saturday night, definitely not the high point of the evening, though, as they then held a lively costume contest, followed by a public reading of their sex scenes by some very brave authors.
Naturally the air travel portion of the trip was awful; I got in so late on Friday that I missed Margaret George’s much-praised keynote speech that evening. Aside from that, I really enjoyed myself, getting to spend time with three good friends (Priscilla Royal, Barbara Peters of the Poisoned Pen, and Margaret Frazer) and meeting Michelle Moran and Anne Easter Smith. Barbara, Margaret, and I had an interesting experience on Sunday night. We had dinner at a restaurant in the mall across the street from the hotel, and afterward we sought to leave via the mall, only to find it locked up tighter than Fort Knox; we eventually escaped through the tornado shelter. BTW, in this entire huge and rather posh mall, there was not a single bookstore. I got to meet C. W. Gortner, who has written a novel about one of history’s most intriguing women, Juana La Loca; it is called The Last Queen and I now have a copy atop my pile of Books to Read. I also met an American who now lives in Cyprus and she very generously offered to do any on-site research I might need for Richard and Berengaria’s stay in Cyprus!
Now, some interesting news about the other writers at the conference. Good news for those of you who enjoy Margaret George’s books, and that would be anyone who appreciates well written and well researched historical novels. Margaret’s next book will be about Elizabeth Tudor, beginning with the Armada in 1588. All you Diana Gabaldon fans are going to be very jealous of me, as I got to hear two of Diana’s sex scenes from her new book, An Echo in the Bone, to be published in September of this year; she chose to contrast the male and female approach to sex, with one scene given from Claire’s point of view and one from Jamie’s. Since Diana’s book tour is going to cover everyplace but the Falkland Islands, you’ve all got a fairly good chance that she might be coming to a book-store near you! A slight exaggeration, but in addition to her U.S. tour, she’ll be visiting New Zealand and Australia and the United Kingdom and Germany.
Cathy, I was lucky enough to snag a copy of the galley proofs for Michelle Moran’s new book, Cleopatra’s Daughter, which, as you noted, comes out in September. I expect it will be a great success for her; who can resist both Egypt and Ancient Rome? I am going to interview Michelle on my blog after her new book comes out. I will also be interviewing two medieval writers (and friends, in the interest of full disclosure), Priscilla Royal and Margaret Frazer when their new mysteries come out later this year. And Elizabeth Chadwick (another friend) has kindly agreed to do a “guest appearance” for the American launch of her novel about William Marshal, The Greatest Knight, which will be published in September, 2009. So if you have questions you’d like to submit to any of these authors, e-mail them to me and I’ll see what I can do. And Cindy is quite correct; Anne Easter Smith is now working on a novel about Cecily Neville.
I wish they’d made tapes of the panel discussions available for sale, as they’ve done at the Bouchercons. Two in particular were fascinating. C. W. Gortner monitored one on Sunday in which the panel discussed the bias in publishing about male authors writing of female protagonists and vice versa. I was very surprised that this prejudice is still so prevalent and apparently widespread. I never encountered it myself and, speaking as an avid reader, all I care about is that a book is well written.
I especially enjoyed the panel discussion about the fine line writers must walk to balance fact and fiction. You all know my rather passionate views on this subject, and to judge by your blog comments, I am preaching to the choir here. I’m happy to report that the panelists were in agreement with us. Laurel Corona offered a wonderful comment that could well serve as the Eleventh Commandment for historical novelists: “Do not defame the dead.” That says it all, doesn’t it? I think I’ve mentioned my own shorthand for “historical novels” that are not rooted in any time or place: “The Plantagenets in Pasadena.” Well, I came away from the panel discussion with two more apt phrases: “costume fiction” and from Margaret Frazer, “Mary Jane visits the castle.”
Okay, on to your questions. First of all, thank you for all the Robin Hood recommendations: Jerry was very pleased. I think my 1185 slip speaks for itself. Ken, what a lovely compliment, comparing me to Eleanor of Aquitaine. I only wish I had her inner strength and steely will. Your comment about medieval archers not being able to take dead aim was fascinating; thanks for sharing your expertise with us. Your anecdote about the infamous William de Braose was slightly off target, though. It actually happened to one of his knights and Giraldus Cambrensus claimed that after an arrow pinned one leg to the saddle, he was hit by a second arrow in his other leg. This is so vivid in my mind because Morgan, Ranulf’s son, related the incident to Richard in an early chapter of Lionheart—and this time there were no bizarre suggestions that longbows were easier to master than crossbows! I was very interested in your reference to Savoy, Ken, and have an interesting anecdote (which you probably know), but I will have to save it for my next blog, as this one is going to be another whopper.
Michelle and April, I’m going to have to pass on your questions about casting a film for Sunne. I don’t have a “dream cast” for any of my novels, have honestly never given it much thought. Although I am convinced that no actors ever born could have surpassed Peter O’Toole and Katharine Hepburn in The Lion in Winter. But if some of you want to suggest casting for any of my books, please do share them with us. And Dave, I think I can speak for women everywhere when I say that Johnny Depp is not a prat! I’d be utterly euphoric if he wanted to play one of the characters in any of my books. Well, maybe not Henry Tudor, for there is no way Tudor had Johnny’s humor or sex appeal.
I’m so glad that some of you will be able to attend my readings in Bailey’s Crossing and Anne Arbor. Jenny, do bring your old copy of Sunne; I’d be happy to sign it. Occasionally a bookstore owner will limit the number of previous books customers can bring to a book signing and there are even a few writers who balk at signing their earlier books. But that is relatively rare and I am delighted to sign any of my books; it is a lovely sight to see a well-worn—hence well-read—copy of Sunne or Dragons.
Brenna, I’m sorry, but I can’t be of any assistance when it comes to Allison Weir’s Princes in the Tower, as I have not read it. Nor did I read the Bertram Fields book, though several of my friends were quite enthusiastic about it. As I mentioned in an earlier blog, I did not keep up on Ricardian reading, moving on to Wales and then the Angevins. So for that reason, I cannot recommend any Ricardian books published since Sunne. Can any of my readers help Brenna with this?
I was interested and somewhat surprised by the comments that Elizabeth Chadwick and several of you made about John in Here Be Dragons. I never thought that “my” John was that favorably portrayed. I was not aiming to “rehabilitate” John, as I obviously was with Richard III; I had a more modest goal, merely to show his humanity. I did find him an intriguing character to write about, for the ones with dark corners in their souls are always more fun than the saintly ones. And I don’t think you can really whitewash a man who betrayed his dying father, did his best to keep his brother rotting in a German prison, had his own nephew murdered, hanged a number of Welsh hostages, and starved Maude de Braose and her son to death! I do think John was quite intelligent, but he was also the most damaged of Henry and Eleanor’s sons, and I think his kingship must be judged a failure—not because of Magna Carta or even that he died alone and virtually abandoned by all, mourned by none. I think John’s greatest failing as a king was his inability to trust others, and once they realized that, they could not trust him, which was an even more fatal flaw than Stephen’s inability to win respect or fear from his nobles. It is always interesting, though, to see how other people view “my” characters. I remember being surprised by some comments on the Historical Fiction On-line forum to the effect that my Richard III was too perfect to be true, for I truly never saw him in that way. Hey, he did send Hastings to his death without a trial, remember! Surely the most unique response I ever got came from an Australian reader, who wrote that she could not enjoy Dragons because Llewelyn reminded her too much of an old boyfriend.
Suzanne, you had a very interesting question, asking how writers pick scenes to dramatize and why some get left on the cutting room floor. Because that deserves more than a few quick sentences, I am going to save my response for my next blog. And I’m sure we’d like to hear from you writers out there, too, on this subject.
Now, Cindy, it is your turn. You mentioned the massacre of the Jews of York in March, 1190, and you and Blair both brought up Richard’s execution of the Muslim garrison at Acre. These are serious topics and I want to address them fully. First of all, your source for the York massacre was very much in error. Briefly, this is what happened. Richard had forbidden any Jews to attend his coronation feast. When I read that initially many years ago, I assumed that this was an anti-Semitic act, for we all knew this was the ugly underside of medieval life. But Richard’s subsequent actions changed my mind about this; now I think it is quite likely that he was trying to keep the King’s Peace, as whenever a crusade had been declared in the past, the Jews were the first to suffer. During the first and second crusades, bloody pogroms had flared up as would-be crusaders looked for “infidels” closer at hand than the Saracens. I think Richard may have been trying to avoid such outbursts of violence in England. But Benedict and Josce of York, prominent moneylenders from that city, possibly not having heard of the prohibition, showed up at Westminster and were attacked by bystanders. Soon a mob was surging through the city streets, burning and looting and assaulting any Jews they could find. Richard was infuriated; the Jews were under the king’s protection and were an important source of royal revenue. He did what he could to punish the rioters and at once sent out writs to the major cities of his realm, warning that the Jews were not to be harmed. And they were not. The writs were obeyed—as long as he remained in England. But he left for Normandy after Christmas, and that “crusading fervor” soon erupted again, like a virulent plague. Jewries were attacked in Lynn and Norwich and then it spread to Stamford, Bury St Edmunds, and Lincoln. Drunken mobs pillaged and looted and the Jews fled to the royal castles for refuge. Then, in March of 1190, the madness reached York.
Remember the two York moneylenders, Benedict and Josce? Josce had escaped the London mob, but Benedict was trapped and forced to accept conversion. When peace had been restored, Richard had him summoned and asked if his conversion had been voluntary. When Benedict said it was coerced, he was allowed to recant, although the Archbishop of Canterbury angrily told him that he could be the Devil’s man if he refused to be God’s man. Benedict died soon after of his wounds, but Josce returned safely to York, where a worse fate awaited him.
When the York mob attacked Benedict’s house and killed his family, Josce and the other Jews fled to the castle for safety. But they did not trust the castellan and when he left the castle, they apparently overpowered the garrison and refused to let him back in. He then turned for help to the sheriff of Yorkshire, who just “happened” to be in the immediate vicinity, and the sheriff made the fateful decision to retake the castle. The York mob was only too happy to join in, and by the time the sheriff had second thoughts, the mob was in control. The trapped Jews held out for two days, but they realized they were doomed and made the desperate decision to die by their own hands rather than to be butchered by the mob. Husbands slit the throats of their wives and children, Josce being the first one to kill his family. It is estimated that about one hundred and fifty had taken refuge and most of them chose suicide.
Those still alive appealed for mercy and agreed to accept baptism and they were promised that they’d be spared. But this promise was not kept and when they emerged, they were all slaughtered, men, women, and children. The mob then revealed the real reason for the rioting. They forced their way into York Minster and compelled the monks to turn over the Jews’ debt bonds, which they burned right there in the nave of the church.
When Richard, then in Normandy, learned of this, he was outraged. We have no way of knowing, of course, if he pitied the victims. We do know that any medieval king would see this as an act of political defiance. He immediately sent his chancellor, Longchamp, back to England and Longchamp led an army into Yorkshire, where he found how difficult it is to punish mob violence. The citizens of York swore that it had been perpetrated by strangers and would-be crusaders, who’d fled into Scotland. Longchamp dismissed the castellan and the sheriff—more on him in a moment—and imposed heavy fines on the citizens. And this heavy-handed response was sufficient to keep other cities at peace; there were no other violent outbursts against the Jews during the remainder of Richard’s reign.
I can highly recommend a first-person account by the medieval chronicler William of Newburgh; a translation was published in 1996. Blair was quite right that some of the chroniclers did approve of the pogroms against the Jews; Richard of Devizes faulted the citizens of Winchester for protecting their Jews. But William of Newburgh was horrified by what had been done in his God’s Name. In a telling phrase, he described how Josce slit the throat of “Anna, his most beloved wife.” He wrote that the rioters’ first crime was to shed “human blood like water,” their second “acting barbarously,” their third “refusing the Grace of Christ to those who sought it,” and the fourth, “deceiving those miserable people by lying to induce them to come forth.” And he very clearly stated that the motivation for the rioting was to avoid paying the debts owed to the York moneylenders.
Now, back to the sherff. As I said, he was sacked by Longchamp. Sadly, he was later appointed to another shrievalty by John, though there is no evidence that John played any role in the York massacre; he was in Normandy with Richard at the time. The disgraced sheriff was none other than John Marshal, older brother of the celebrated William Marshal, and he was either guilty of gross incompetence or he was in collusion with the mob.
Okay, on to Richard’s crusade. This is the story of the siege of Acre. When it surrendered to the crusaders in July, 1191, an agreement was struck with Salah al-din (more commonly known to us as Saladin) to ransom the garrison. The ransom was not paid—there are various explanations as to why it was not, the most likely being the mutual mistrust on both sides—and the garrison was marched out onto the plains beyond the city and there killed. This decision had been made by all the crusade leaders, but there is no doubt that Richard wanted this done. There is a very matter-of-fact letter of his to the Abbot of Clairvaux, in which he describes the execution of “about two thousand, six hundred” of them being “quite properly” put to death. He saw this as a purely military decision as his army was about to march out of Acre and he was unwilling to set so many enemy soldiers loose on his rear, apparently having decided that he could not spare enough men to guard them. Cold-blooded? Yes, it was, and later historians would judge him harshly for it. At the time, the chroniclers seem to have accepted it as what needed to be done.
You notice that I’ve talked only about the “garrison.” You will find it said in some histories, including one by the respected historian, Sir Stephen Runciman, that the families of these unfortunate men were slain, too. But I have so far been unable to find any contemporary source for this. I have read five English chronicles and two Arab chronicles, one written by one of Saladin’s intimates, and none of them mention the families of the garrison being killed, too. And in all of the histories or biographies that report this as a “fact,” not a single one cites a medieval source for it. This is why writers drink. I am going to continue to try to track down the origin of this story, but if I have no luck, I will most likely follow the medieval sources and then discuss the controversy in my Author’s Note—you guys are getting a preview of it here!
This is a good example of the challenges that novelists face; it matters greatly to me that I get the facts right, especially about an event of such significance. It is also a good example of the great gap that sometimes existed between medieval and modern sensibilities. I’ve seen the massacre of the Acre garrison compared to the killing of captured French knights by Henry V at the battle of Agincourt, which was also done for military reasons. Obviously we don’t see such killings in the same light, but I think historical novelists ought to try to view them from a medieval perspective if at all possible.
Lastly, there is your question, Marilyn. Marian Meade was wrong; Richard did not make a “public confession of his homosexuality.” If only he had! That would have saved me so much work and research trying to solve the “mystery” of his sexuality. What he did do was to summon his bishops to him in Messina and confessed to his sins. The chronicler mentions “the thorns of lustfulness,” but is not more specific than that. He says that Richard “received the penance imposed by the bishops and from that hour forward became a man who feared God and left what was evil and did what was good.”
This public penance alone would not raise questions about Richard’s sexual proclivities. It is truly amazing what was held to be sinful by the medieval Church. In addition to fornication, adultery, and sodomy, medievals were told that they sinned if they had sex in any position other than what we today call the “missionary position.” They sinned if they had sex on Sundays, holy days, during Advent, Lent, and Pentecost. Open mouthed kissing was a sin, as was making love in daylight. Any sexual act that was not procreative was a mortal sin. According to some canonists and penitentials, a husband who desired his wife with “excessive lust” was guilty of adultery!
In a future blog, I will discuss the multitude of medieval sins covered by the term sodomy, which included any sexual act thought to be “against nature.” This is relevant because a chronicler reported that in 1195 a hermit approached Richard and warned him, “Be thou mindful of the destruction of Sodom and abstain from what is unlawful.” Historians today have been having some very lively arguments about the meaning of this warning and there is no consensus, any more than there is a consensus about Richard’s sexual inclinations. Until 1948, no one suggested he preferred men to women. After 1948, it became accepted as gospel. But within the last twenty years or so, there has been another reassessment of something we can never really know for certain. Richard’s pre-eminent biographer, the British historian John Gillingham, is convinced Richard was heterosexual and many historians now agree with him. Others still believe Richard was either homosexual or bisexual. As I said, I will be addressing this subject in later blogs. While doing this research, I’ve come across some very comprehensive and perceptive studies about medieval sexuality and the considerable differences between the way they viewed sex and the way we view it today. Would you like me to include some of these books on my Recommended Research page?
Well, here’s another blog stretching out into infinity. But we’re talking about mutual guilt now. You all really have to stop asking me such intriguing questions!
June 25, 2009
PS Ken, thanks for posting the entry on Joanna from the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. That is a subject I had to save for a future blog, too.